In World War I, the
mobility of troops was of major strategic importance. New transportation means
like trucks, as well as war planes, submarines and tanks, which began to
revolutionize warfare between 1914 and 1918, were driven by oil-based fuel. By
controlling more than 70 percent of the world-wide petroleum production, the
Entente powers had a decisive military advantage.
Floating to Victory on a Wave of Oil
Judging by the
statements of leading representatives of the Entente powers, petroleum was the
factor that decided the Great War. According to the French economist Francis
Delaisi (1873–1947), the victory of 1918 was simply the triumph of the Allied
truck over the German railway – the first being driven by fuel and combustion
engines, the second by coal. Lord George Curzon's (1859-1925) speech on the
topic, held during the first post-war session of the Inter-Allied Petroleum
Conference on 23 November 1918, was no less enthusiastic: "The Allies
floated to victory on a wave of oil."
If these
conclusions seem exaggerated, there is no doubt that the control of strategic
resources, including petroleum, had a decisive influence on the outcome of
World War I. With the exception of Great Britain and the United States, all
warring parties realized quite late that motor vehicles and fuel would become
factors of military importance. They neither established strategic oil reserves
before August 1914, nor did they make serious efforts to raise the oil
production in their own area of influence. With the advancement of the war,
this failure would come back to haunt the Central Powers and their allies.
The Oil Production and its Military Use
before 1914
In the decades
after the discovery of the first important oil field (1859, Titusville/USA),
petroleum was almost exclusively used to fuel lamps. With the invention of cars
driven by combustion engines (Benz, 1886) and the electric light (Edison, 1880)
on the one hand, and advances in petrochemistry on the other hand, oil began to
lose its original function. Since 1900, steam boilers and machines of different
kinds had increasingly been fueled by petroleum products. Motor vehicles,
airplanes and tanks could only be driven with gasoline. Railways and industrial
machines needed oil as lubricant. Asphalt – an oil residue – began to play an
essential role in street building. Trinitrotoluol (TNT) that could be produced
on the basis of chemicals distilled from stone coal or oil served as explosive
charge in grenades and torpedoes. The English production of TNT largely
depended on oil.
While Germany,
aiming at resource-autonomy, used coal to run its railways and fleet, the
British Navy had switched to oil combustion in 1910, thereby increasing its
operating distance and speed, but also its dependence upon oversea supplies.
Among the warring
parties, only the United States and Russia could count on a sufficiently high
domestic oil production. While Great Britain made considerable efforts to open
up new oil fields in Persia and India, the French, Italian and German petroleum
demand was almost entirely covered by imports. Although the Austro-Hungarian
Empire disposed of an oil industry of its own in Galicia, it was unable to meet
the demand of the Central Powers; moreover, the Austrian oil fields lay within
the operational radius of the Russian armies. The Ottoman Empire, for its part,
made no serious effort to develop its oil fields in Mesopotamia and the Arab
peninsula. Romania's petroleum production was slightly higher than the Austrian
and was largely absorbed by the German demand before 1914. If we add the output
of the rising Mexican oil industry (dominated by US investors) to the strategic
reserves of its northern neighbor, the United States controlled about 70
percent of the world's petroleum production at the outbreak of the war.
The Role of Petroleum during World War I
The wars of 1866
and 1870/1871 were at least in part decided by the German army’s ability to
move large troop contingents over great distances thanks to a well organized
railway system. Consequently, this means of transport played a key role in
German war strategies before 1914. The Schlieffen Plan was based upon wide
ranging army movements in the west that had to be executed as fast as possible;
the massive deployment of Russian troops in the east could only be thwarted
with the rapid transfer of troops by train from one front to another. Having
arrived at the train station nearest to their final destination, soldiers had
to walk with all their military equipment to reach the combat zone. That trucks
might help to bridge the – often large – gap between the railway and the front
was an idea that took hold much later. In 1914, neither motor vehicles nor
airplanes played an important role in the strategic planning of the German High
Command. Due to the fact that German railways were driven by coal, oil-based
fuel was not a matter of interest when the management of strategic resources
was established in 1914.
Even as the Western
Front began to freeze in autumn 1914, mobile warfare became more and more
important. From that time on, all efforts of the Entente powers and Germany
aimed either at concentrating superior forces at one point of the front for a
massive breakthrough or at strengthening their own side to thwart such
intentions. This was only possible by quickly moving important troop
contingents from one part of the front to another without being detected by the
respective enemy – a logistical challenge that could only be met with adequate
transportation facilities. The dense French highway system allowed the Entente
powers to use trucks to transport troops and supply, thereby gaining a
flexibility that the Germans lacked. When the United States, which produced
trucks on an industrial scale, finally entered the war, this effect was
drastically strengthened. In the last offensives of 1918, the mobility of the
Allied troops almost entirely depended on motor vehicles and therefore on North
American oil.
If airplanes played
only a minor role at the outbreak of the war, they soon became an essential
means of reconnaissance of the enemy's hinterland. Their number increased
accordingly: Germany could count on 252 front-airplanes in 1914 and on 5,000 in
1918 despite all losses; in the same period, the French military aviation made
a jump from 132 to 12,000 airplanes. Depending on the war theatre, the Allied
air superiority ranged from 3:1 to 10:1. This predominance reflects the
outstanding performance of Allied refineries whose fuel production far
outclassed their German counterparts.
In the years before
1914, the initiatives of German chemists to counteract future oil shortages by
developing methods to convert coal into fuel had made considerable advances,
while the breakthrough to synthetic fuel production on an industrial scale
failed to appear until the mid-1920s. The Silesian scientist Friedrich Bergius
(1884-1949) - the leading expert in the field - discovered the physico-chemical
process for coal hydrogenation under high pressure, which allowed him to file a
first patent in May 1913 and continue his work as research director of Theodor
Goldschmidt's (1817-1875) petroleum refinery company in Essen. However, the
industrial implementation of his invention met numerous obstacles and had no
military importance before 1918. Nevertheless, the Bergius-Pier process - the
advanced version of his method of coal liquefaction - later became the basis
for the mass production of synthetic fuel under the "Third Reich".
Astonishingly
enough, the conquest or destruction of the respective enemy's oil production
had no strategic priority for any warring party when the war broke out. In the
debates on the origins of World War I, the Baghdad Railway, whose construction
started in 1903, is sometimes interpreted as a German attempt to gain control
of the Mesopotamian oil resources; this hypothesis seems to be refuted today.
There was no forward-looking German oil policy of pre-war times carried forward
by the High Command after 1914. The Turkish efforts to seize or destroy the
Anglo-Persian oil facilities remained a war episode without consequences. When
the Central Powers and the Entente tried to convince Romania to join their
respective alliance, the country's oil fields certainly played an important
role. In contrast, the Russian troops did not pay much attention to the
Austrian petroleum facilities when they conquered Galicia. The German and
Turkish competing efforts to gain control of the Russian oil fields of Baku
("Kaspi-Unternehmen", 1918) with the intention of breaking the
Anglo-American petroleum monopoly, came too late to have any effect on the
outcome of the war.
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